Why Policy Solutions for the Rohingya Crisis are Tricky

Hello everyone! I hope you are finding useful information in your research. If you've thought about ways to address the Rohingya crisis, you've probably encountered a number of issues that arise when formulating effective solutions. This post is going to dive a little bit more profoundly into why the Rohingya crisis is so difficult to ameliorate and what we should do about that.

INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL RESOLUTIONS/LEGAL ACTION

When it comes down to it, there are two goals that the international community wants to achieve: 1) demanding justice for the Rohingya and 2) establishing more permanent settlement options. Both tasks are daunting and presuppose commitment from all parties. As we enter the second year of the refugee crisis in Bangladesh, one major way that the U.N. has instigated action is by taking on the monumental responsibility of collecting data and documenting each and every atrocity committed against the Rohingya. A recently released report from a UN fact-finding mission, drawing on in-depth research and testimony from hundreds of victims, recommends that the International Criminal Court (ICC) or an ad hoc tribunal investigate and prosecute top Myanmar military officials for genocide. It should be noted that although Myanmar is not a member of the ICC, the atrocities in Rakhine come under their jurisdiction because the atrocities directly impact the member state of Bangladesh.

The United Nations also recommends that socioeconomic development, formal citizenship, and protections for key civil rights and freedom of movement be included within any formal resolution for the Rohingya. One reason that the crisis is difficult to ameliorate is because there are multiple, parallel efforts underway. Unfavorably, these efforts often have competing political objectives. China, for example, shares a disputed border with Myanmar and has extensive investments throughout the country (including in Rakhine), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) shares only some of the same goals as the United Nations. Delegates should think about how their country's own overarching goals, if any, affect their policy on the Rohingya crisis.

Furthermore, the Security Council can basically accomplish as much as the state of Myanmar is willing to cooperate. Outside access to Rakhine state is strictly limited, making thorough investigations nearly impossible. Legal status for the Rohingya in Myanmar is virtually nonexistent, and the government appears unlikely to voluntarily grant it. In the past, journalists have been jailed for attempting to investigate reported Rohingya killings.

REPATRIATION AND RELOCATION

Many factors ensure that the option of repatriation will be either very limited in scope or entirely unfeasible in the near future. In July 2018, Rohingya refugees rejected an agreement between the United Nations and government of Myanmar for the return of refugees who fled violence in Rakhine state. Bangladesh-based Rohingya political activist Ko Ko Linn said that the "agreement is on the issue of return of the Rohingya to their homes. Strangely, they did not bother to consult the Rohingya community before going for the deal. In the agreement there is no commitment from the Burmese government to fulfill our key demands as a precondition for our safe return to our homes. It is against the interest of the Rohingya."

In terms of relocation, Bangladesh, facing their own crisis, has been pushing for the internal relocation of an initial 100,000 refugees to a new settlement on Bhasan Char Island, across the Bay of Bengal. If relocated there, the Rohingya would likely be more isolated from outside aid and more susceptible to rains and traffickers.

Empowering the Rohingya people is one of the earliest steps that we can take; indeed, such a step lies within full jurisdiction of the Security Council. The ICC's willingness to consider this case, for example, is a direct result of the painstaking legal work and petitioning of the court by the Rohingya themselves. In one request, 400 Rohingya women and girls, mostly illiterate, affixed their signatures with fingerprints. Regardless, the preliminary investigation by the ICC can stretch on for years, sometimes decades; therefore, although empowerment is an option, we have a responsibility to act efficiently and do more. We expect you, as delegates of the Security Council and not the ICC or any other committee, to think about how we can do more.

Unfortunately, more often than not, inaction is the de facto policy choice when confronting genocide and crimes against humanity.

We recommend reading or listening to this snippet from an NPR broadcast. It was posted about a year ago, but it offers key insight and examples of why there is no easy solution to this crisis.